While Jackson was a fervent supporter of state sovereignty, he felt that South Carolina was taking the states' rights position to extremes and undermining the structure of the federal Union and the Constitution itself.
Jackson issued a proclamation on December 10, disavowing the doctrine of nullification. He declared that the Constitution created a single government for all Americans and that secession was illegal. He regarded as treason any act of violence designed to aid and abet secession. Jackson also proposed that Congress pass a Force Bill, which would allow him as President to collect the tariff by force, if necessary. While Jackson spoiled for a fight, leaders in Congress attempted to work out a compromise.
New York Congressman Gulian Verpalnck proposed a reduced tariff, but it failed to win majority support. This proposal was acceptable to a majority in Congress and to South Carolina. Congress passed both the Compromise Tariff and the Force Bill, and Jackson signed them both into law on March 2, South Carolina rescinded its nullification of the tariffs but then nullified the Force Bill as an act of principle , and the crisis was over.
The Nullification Crisis is interesting to historians for several reasons. It provides evidence into the nature of Andrew Jackson's political and constitutional thinking. While Jackson believed in a strict construction of the Constitution and in states' rights, he believed that when the Constitution had delegated power to the federal government, the federal government had to be supreme. Jackson also valued the Union and was not willing to see it compromised or to let it disintegrate.
The Nullification Crisis also revealed the depths of alienation which existed among the cotton planters of the Deep South as early as the s. This alienation did not go away, nor did the desire to seek to formulate a constitutional construction that could alleviate planter grievances - namely, economic domination by northern commercial interests and the fear that the federal government might tamper with the institution of slavery.
In many ways, the Nullification Crisis was a rehearsal for the political and constitutional crisis of the s that would culminate in the American Civil War. Pressed by Jackson, Congress passes the Force Bill, authorizing Jackson's use of the army to gain compliance for federal law in South Carolina.
Vice President Calhoun voices his dissent. Roberts's efforts result in the first treaties between the United States and a number of far eastern governments, including Siam now Thailand. Viewing his reelection as a mandate to continue his war against the Second Bank of the United States, Jackson issues an order for the Treasury Department to withdrawal federal deposits from the Bank of the United States and place them in state banks.
The censure will be officially expunged from the record on January 16, , the result of political bargaining. Jackson will continue to take action against the Bank, which closes its doors in Jackson announces he will terminate the national debt, freeing the United States of foreign and domestic obligations beyond the reserves of the Treasury. In Washington, D. Jackson, along with Treasury Secretary Levi Woodbury, introduces the Specie Circular, revealing that the government will accept only gold and silver for land payments.
The act serves as an attempt to check rising inflation precipitated by unprecedented land speculation and irresponsible lending.
Hand-picked by Jackson to be his successor, Vice President Martin Van Buren wins the presidential election, running against three Whigs. The Whig Party hoped to split the popular vote so that the House of Representatives would decide the election's outcome. Van Buren, however, emerged with more votes than his opponents combined.
Jackson recognizes the independence of Texas but declines to address annexation in light of threats by Mexico and its concerns about security.
His inaugural address serves largely as a commemoration of his predecessor, President Andrew Jackson. Grant Rutherford B. Hayes James A. Garfield Chester A. Roosevelt Harry S. Truman Dwight D. Eisenhower John F. Kennedy Lyndon B. Bush Bill Clinton George W.
Help inform the discussion Support the Miller Center. University of Virginia Miller Center. Breadcrumb U. March 4, April 13, President Andrew Jackson took immediate action.
He outlined his position to Secretary of State Edward Livingston, who helped draft the text of the proclamation issued December 10, Former Senator Hayne, by then the governor of South Carolina, began to organize an armed resistance to the collection of the tariff.
Congress passed the Force Bill in early , which allowed the President to send armed troops to enforce tariff collections.
Calhoun negotiated a compromise Tariff of which allowed both sides to back down. South Carolina repealed its Ordinance of Nullification. One object The Hermitage does not have in our collections is this pro-Jackson political cartoon which shows what Jackson thought nullification might logically lead to—Despotism. The levels in the cartoon show the steps on the road to that end. The Compromise Tariff of was eventually accepted by South Carolina and ended the nullification crisis.
Search this Guide Search. This guide provides access to digital materials at the Library of Congress, external websites, and a print bibliography. Proclamation to the People of South Carolina, December 10, Patterson [Paterson], thought with Mr. Randolph that it was high time for the Convention to adjourn that the rule of secrecy ought to be rescinded, and that our Constituents should be consulted.
No conciliation could be admissible [sic] on the part of the smaller States on any other ground than that of an equality of votes in the 2d branch. If Mr. Randolph would reduce to form his motion for an adjournment sine die, he would second it with all his heart. Rutledge could see no need of an adjourn[men]t because he could see no chance of a compromise. The little States were fixt. All that the larger States then had to do, was to decide whether they would yield or not.
Had we not better keep the Govt. Our Constituents will be very little satisfied if we take the latter course. The New American Idea of Checks and Balances What the small states wanted, of course, was protection for the rights of states in the form of a negative.
Such an idea, it was argued, was consistent with the new American theory of checks and balances. Here's how James Madison explained it, a good summary of which is provided in his discussion of a "Council of Revision" as a possible check on the Executive or President.
On the contrary he thought it an auxiliary precaution in favor of the maxim. If a Constitutional discrimination of the departments on paper were a sufficient security to each ag[ain]st encroachments of the others, all further provision would indeed be superflous. But experience had taught us a distrust of that security; and that it is necessary to introduce such a balance of powers and interests, as will guarantee the provisions on paper. We erected effectual barriers for keeping them separate.
Notes of Debates, July 21, James Madison: "If it be a fundamental principle of free Govt. In the above analysis, Madison underscored one of the lessons learned since The old idea of separation of powers as propounded by Montesquieu had to be improved. Paper barriers did not prevent the abuse of power be it by rulers or by the people.
A positive power of self-defense was essential to preserve the independence of the departments of government. To illustrate this most crucial insight, I offer the following quotes: Doct[o]r Johnson. The fact is that the States do exist as political Societies, and a Govt.
Does it not seem to follow, that if the States as such are to exist they must be armed with some power of self-defence. This is the idea of [Col. Mason] who appears to have looked to the bottom of this matter. Besides the Aristocratic and other interests, the States have their interests as such, and are equally entitled to likes [sic] means. Notes of Debates, June 29, Elseworth [sic; Ellsworth]. The power of self- defence was essential to the small States. Nature had given it to the smallest insect of the creation.
Notes of Debates, August 20, Not one of the above framers, it should be noted, was Southern. All represented Northern states and interests.
Nor can the concern for states' rights be attributed to the need to protect slavery as most historians have concluded in order to diminish the validity of what was and is a fundamental principle of limited and balanced government. The idea was explicit in the debate between the large and small states over the composition of the Senate with the latter insisting that the second branch of the national legislature ought to represent States and that they each, respective of size and wealth, be given an equal vote.
He wished it therefore to be well considered whether in case the States, as was proposed, sh[oul]d retain some portion of their sovereignty at least, this portion could be preserved, without allowing them to participate effectually in the Genl.
The idea of a positive power of self-defense on the part of the states did not end with the Great Compromise of July 16 giving states representation in the Senate and an equal vote Notes of Debates, It continued within the convention but became subsumed under another critical albeit neglected debate, that of drawing a line of demarcation between federal and state powers the terminology here will be important later when the first Nullification movement is discussed.
Again, contemporary quotes are presented for purposes of documentation. Sherman who took his seat today [May 30], admitted that the Confederation had not given sufficient power to Cong[res]s and that additional powers were necessary; particularly that of raising money which he said would in- volve many other powers.
We must take our choice of two things. We must either subject the States to the danger of being injured by that of the Natl. He thought the danger greater from the States. To leave the power doubtful, would be opening another spring of discord, and he was for shutting as many of them as possible.
Notes of Debates, June 8, Sherman observed that it would be difficult to draw the line between the powers of the Genl. Legislatures, and those to be left with the States.
To cut short a long and complicated story, the matter of rights to be reserved to the individual states remained a sticking point.
That it would become one of the critical issues during the ratification process was highlighted in the convention's last days by those already expressing objections to the proposed new government for the United States.
A sample of quotes follows "Are not the terms, common defence and general welfare, indefinite, undefinable terms? What checks have the state governments against such encroach ments?
Williams of New York, June 27, , in Elliot, ed. The state governments are necessary for certain local purposes. The general government for national purposes. The latter ought to rest on the former, not only in its form, but in its operations. It is therefore of the highest importance that the line of jurisdiction should be accurately drawn. Thompson of Massachusetts in Elliot, ed. Hamilton, ed. Putnam's Sons, ], I, Cushing, ed. Putnam's Sons, ], IV, They wish to see a Line drawn as clearly as may be, between the federal powers vested in Congress and the distinct Sovereignty of the several States.
Without such Distinction there will be Danger of the Constitution issuing imperceptibly and gradually into a consolidated Government over all the States. Despite assurances by nationalists that the rights of states were secured under the proposed government, true federalists and republicans nevertheless insisted on amendments to preserve the states and the all essential power of self-defense.
We wish to give the government sufficient energy, on real republican principles, but we wish to withhold such powers as are not absolutely necessary in themselves, but are extremely dangerous. We wish to to shut the door against corruption.
We ask such amendments as will point out what powers are reserved to the state governments. If it be so, let us adopt it.
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